States Ranked by 2024 Voter Turnout
All-star and last-place states in the 2024 general election, ranked by turnout of the voting-eligible population using University of Florida Election Lab data.
How this ranking works
This ranking measures 2024 general election turnout as a share of the voting-eligible population (VEP), the standard built by Professor Michael McDonald at the University of Florida Election Lab (the United States Elections Project). The numerator is total ballots counted as reported by state election officials. The denominator is the voting-age population adjusted to remove people ineligible to vote, principally non-citizens and, in most states, people disenfranchised for felony convictions. VEP is the honest denominator: registered-voter turnout flatters states with restrictive rolls, and voting-age-population turnout punishes states with large non-citizen populations for arithmetic reasons, not civic ones.
Figures are drawn from the UF Election Lab 2024 general election turnout dataset as compiled and reported by Ballotpedia, the Pew Research Center, and contemporaneous news analyses cited below. National VEP turnout in 2024 was about 63.7 percent, down from 66.4 percent in 2020, which was the modern record. Compilations differ by a few tenths of a point depending on when they snapshotted certified counts and how they estimated ineligible populations; the top two states, Wisconsin and Minnesota, finished within a fraction of a point of each other, and final certified data reported in April 2025 put Wisconsin narrowly ahead at 76.64 percent to Minnesota's 76.35. Where sources disagree, this report uses the later, certified-based figures and says so.
The single ranking key is VEP turnout. The subscores surfaced on the top 15 entries decompose the observable drivers of that number so a reader can see why a state landed where it did, all scaled so higher reads better: VEP turnout itself on a 0-to-100 meter, a convenience-policy score crediting same-day or automatic registration and universal or near-universal mail balloting (max 10), and a competitiveness score crediting whether the state hosted a top-tier 2024 statewide or presidential battleground contest (max 5). These subscores explain turnout; they do not set the rank, which is the certified VEP figure alone. The table lists the top 15 states and the bottom 10. Turnout is an outcome, not a virtue score, and the ranking deliberately ignores which party won each state.
1WisconsinTop state, 2024 general election76.6
Final certified data reported in spring 2025 put Wisconsin narrowly past Minnesota for the top spot, at roughly 76.6 percent of eligible voters (MPR News, 2025; Wisconsin Elections Commission, 2025). It was also the closest presidential state in the nation, decided by 0.86 points (official returns, 2024).
The receipts: The UF Election Lab's certified data put Wisconsin at 76.64 percent, narrowly ahead of Minnesota's 76.35 for the national lead (UF Election Lab, 2026; MPR News, 2025). Wisconsin pairs same-day registration with the closest presidential margin in the country, 0.86 points, a combination of convenience policy and maximum competitiveness that its subscores capture (official returns, 2024). Turnout was counted through more than 1,800 municipal clerks and certified without incident (Wisconsin Elections Commission, 2025).
2MinnesotaSecond, after leading most preliminary counts76.4
Minnesota turned out 76.4 percent of its eligible voters, essentially tied with Wisconsin and first in the nation in youth turnout (Minnesota Secretary of State, 2025; Ballotpedia, 2025). The state has finished first or second in every presidential cycle this century (UF Election Lab data).
The receipts: Minnesota reached 76.35 percent VEP turnout and led the nation in youth turnout, finishing first or second in every presidential cycle this century (Minnesota Secretary of State, 2025; UF Election Lab, 2026). Its high convenience-policy subscore reflects same-day registration and automatic registration systems, while its competitiveness subscore is moderate because it was not a top-tier presidential battleground at a 4.3-point margin (official returns, 2024). Its participation is habit built on policy, not driven by a close race.
3MichiganThird nationally74.7
Michigan reached 74.7 percent VEP turnout in its first presidential election with nine days of early in-person voting, adopted by 2022 constitutional amendment (Ballotpedia, 2025). Its 1.42-point presidential margin made every point of turnout consequential (official returns, 2024).
The receipts: Michigan reached 74.7 percent in its first presidential election with nine days of early in-person voting and expanded mail rules adopted by 2022 constitutional amendment (Ballotpedia, 2025). Its maximum convenience and competitiveness subscores reflect both the new voting infrastructure and the 1.42-point presidential margin, the second closest in the nation (official returns, 2024). Every point of turnout was consequential in a state decided by roughly one and a half points.
4New HampshireFourth nationally74.4
New Hampshire posted 74.4 percent turnout with same-day registration and the closest Harris-won margin in the country, 2.78 points (Ballotpedia, 2025; official returns, 2024).
The receipts: New Hampshire posted 74.4 percent turnout with same-day registration, the fourth-highest rate in the nation (Ballotpedia, 2025). Its competitiveness subscore reflects the 2.78-point margin, the closest of any state Harris carried, though the state was a second-tier rather than top-tier presidential battleground (official returns, 2024). Same-day registration is the policy plumbing behind its consistent top-tier finishes.
5ColoradoFifth nationally73.1
Colorado hit 73.1 percent under its universal mail-ballot system, in which every registered voter receives a ballot by mail (Ballotpedia, 2025). It was the highest-turnout state that was not a presidential battleground in 2024.
The receipts: Colorado hit 73.1 percent under a universal mail-ballot system that sends every registered voter a ballot, earning the maximum convenience-policy subscore (Ballotpedia, 2025). Its competitiveness subscore is near the floor because Colorado was not a 2024 presidential battleground, which makes it the highest-turnout non-battleground state in the country. Its finish is the clearest evidence that convenience policy alone can sustain elite turnout without a close race.
6MaineSixth nationally73.0
Maine turned out 73.0 percent of eligible voters with same-day registration and no-excuse absentee voting (UF Election Lab data via compiled rankings, 2025). It has run above the national rate in every cycle since at least 2000.
The receipts: Maine turned out 73.0 percent with same-day registration and no-excuse absentee voting, running above the national rate in every cycle since at least 2000 (UF Election Lab data via compiled rankings, 2025). Its low competitiveness subscore reflects Harris's comfortable 6.9-point statewide win, meaning its elite turnout was driven by durable policy and habit rather than a close contest (official returns, 2024).
7MontanaSeventh nationally69.5
Montana reached 69.5 percent despite hosting no top-tier statewide contest in 2024, evidence that high turnout there is habit, not hype (UF Election Lab data via compiled rankings, 2025).
The receipts: Montana reached 69.5 percent despite hosting no marquee statewide contest at the top of its 2024 ballot, evidence that its high turnout is habit rather than a product of any single race (UF Election Lab data via compiled rankings, 2025). Its moderate convenience subscore reflects no-excuse absentee voting without full universal mail balloting, and its competitiveness subscore credits a watched but not top-tier Senate race.
8OregonEighth nationally68.9
The nation's original all-mail voting state, all-mail since 2000, posted 68.9 percent (UF Election Lab data via compiled rankings, 2025). Oregon also pioneered automatic voter registration in 2016.
The receipts: Oregon, all-mail since 2000 and the first state to enact automatic voter registration in 2016, posted 68.9 percent (UF Election Lab data via compiled rankings, 2025). It earns the maximum convenience subscore and a floor competitiveness subscore, another case of a non-battleground state sustaining above-average turnout on infrastructure alone. Its systems have been copied in whole or part by at least seven states.
9PennsylvaniaNinth nationally68.4
The largest swing state turned out 68.4 percent of eligible voters while deciding its presidential result by 1.71 points (UF Election Lab data via compiled rankings, 2025; official returns, 2024).
The receipts: Pennsylvania turned out 68.4 percent while deciding its presidential result by 1.71 points, the third-closest state in the nation (UF Election Lab data via compiled rankings, 2025; official returns, 2024). Its maximum competitiveness subscore against a modest convenience subscore, reflecting no-excuse mail voting but no same-day registration, shows a state whose turnout is driven more by the closeness of the race than by voting infrastructure.
10VermontTenth nationally67.9
Vermont, which mails every active registered voter a ballot for general elections, reached 67.9 percent (UF Election Lab data via compiled rankings, 2025).
The receipts: Vermont mails every active registered voter a general-election ballot and reached 67.9 percent, well above the national rate (UF Election Lab data via compiled rankings, 2025). Its maximum convenience subscore and floor competitiveness subscore make it, alongside Colorado and Oregon, one of three universal-mail states clearing the national average without a competitive top-of-ticket race.
11WashingtonEleventh nationally67.4
Washington's all-mail system delivered 67.4 percent in a state with no competitive statewide contest at the top of the ticket (UF Election Lab data via compiled rankings, 2025).
The receipts: Washington's all-mail system with signature verification and ballot tracking delivered 67.4 percent with no competitive statewide contest at the top of the ticket (UF Election Lab data via compiled rankings, 2025). Its subscore profile, maximum convenience against floor competitiveness, mirrors the other universal-mail states and reinforces the pattern that mail infrastructure sustains turnout independent of a close race.
12IowaTwelfth nationally67.0
Iowa posted 67.0 percent, more than 3 points above the national rate, despite a presidential margin of about 13 points (UF Election Lab data via compiled rankings, 2025; official returns, 2024).
The receipts: Iowa posted 67.0 percent, more than 3 points above the national rate, despite a roughly 13-point presidential margin (UF Election Lab data via compiled rankings, 2025; official returns, 2024). Its floor competitiveness subscore against above-average turnout is the ranking's clearest counterexample to the competition-drives-turnout story: Iowa turned out heavily in a landslide, a habit rooted in its caucus culture rather than a close race.
13VirginiaThirteenth nationally65.9
Virginia turned out 65.9 percent with 45 days of no-excuse early voting, among the longest early-vote windows in the country (UF Election Lab data via compiled rankings, 2025).
The receipts: Virginia turned out 65.9 percent with 45 days of no-excuse early voting, among the longest early-vote windows in the nation (UF Election Lab data via compiled rankings, 2025). Its convenience subscore credits that long window, while its competitiveness subscore is modest because Virginia was not a 2024 presidential battleground, having moved out of the tossup column in recent cycles.
14GeorgiaFourteenth nationally65.2
Georgia reached 65.2 percent, above the national average, in a presidential race decided by 2.2 points (UF Election Lab data via compiled rankings, 2025; official returns, 2024).
The receipts: Georgia reached 65.2 percent, above the national average, in a presidential race decided by 2.2 points (UF Election Lab data via compiled rankings, 2025; official returns, 2024). Its maximum competitiveness subscore against a middling convenience subscore, reflecting no-excuse absentee voting but no same-day registration, shows a battleground whose above-average turnout owes more to the closeness of the race than to convenience infrastructure.
15New JerseyFifteenth nationally63.8
New Jersey closed the top 15 at 63.8 percent, a tenth of a point above the national VEP rate of about 63.7 percent (UF Election Lab data via compiled rankings, 2025).
The receipts: New Jersey closed the top 15 at 63.8 percent, a tenth of a point above the national VEP rate of about 63.7 percent (UF Election Lab data via compiled rankings, 2025). Its convenience subscore credits expanded mail voting adopted since 2020, while its floor competitiveness subscore reflects a safely Democratic presidential result. It marks the exact boundary between above- and below-average turnout in 2024.
41AlabamaBottom 10 begins: 41st nationally59.4
Alabama turned out 59.4 percent of eligible voters, more than 4 points below the national rate, with no same-day registration and excuse-required absentee voting (UF Election Lab data via compiled rankings, 2025).
The receipts: Alabama turned out 59.4 percent, more than 4 points below the national rate, with no same-day registration and excuse-required absentee voting (UF Election Lab data via compiled rankings, 2025). It pairs restrictive convenience rules with a non-competitive presidential environment, the combination that recurs throughout the bottom ten regardless of which party governs the state.
42Indiana42nd nationally58.7
Indiana posted 58.7 percent with a 6 p.m. poll-closing time, the earliest in the nation alongside Kentucky's (UF Election Lab data via compiled rankings, 2025).
The receipts: Indiana posted 58.7 percent with a 6 p.m. poll-closing time, the earliest in the nation alongside Kentucky's (UF Election Lab data via compiled rankings, 2025). The early close is the state's most-cited administrative barrier, and Indiana has sat in the bottom tier of participation across recent presidential cycles despite steady population.
43Tennessee43rd nationally58.3
Tennessee turned out 58.3 percent, continuing a decades-long run in the bottom ten despite population growth (UF Election Lab data via compiled rankings, 2025).
The receipts: Tennessee turned out 58.3 percent, continuing a decades-long run in the bottom ten despite steady population growth (UF Election Lab data via compiled rankings, 2025). Its persistent low finish across cycles, independent of population change, marks it as a structural rather than transient low-turnout state.
44Mississippi44th nationally57.7
Mississippi reached 57.7 percent with no early in-person voting and excuse-required absentee rules, among the most restrictive convenience-voting regimes (UF Election Lab data via compiled rankings, 2025).
The receipts: Mississippi reached 57.7 percent with no early in-person voting and excuse-required absentee rules, among the most restrictive convenience-voting regimes in the country (UF Election Lab data via compiled rankings, 2025). It is the clearest case in the bottom ten of restrictive convenience policy tracking with low participation, though the ranking notes correlation, not proven causation.
45Oklahoma45th nationally57.4
Oklahoma posted 57.4 percent, a bottom-five finish it has repeated across recent presidential cycles (UF Election Lab data via compiled rankings, 2025).
The receipts: Oklahoma posted 57.4 percent, a bottom-five finish it has repeated across recent presidential cycles (UF Election Lab data via compiled rankings, 2025). Its consistency in the bottom five, cycle after cycle, marks a durable low-turnout pattern rather than a one-time result.
46Texas46th nationally56.0
The nation's second-largest state turned out 56.0 percent of its eligible voters, nearly 8 points under the national rate (Factually/UF Election Lab compilation, 2025).
The receipts: Texas, the nation's second-largest state, turned out 56.0 percent, nearly 8 points under the national rate (Factually/UF Election Lab compilation, 2025). Its low finish carries outsized national weight given its population, and it recurs despite the state's growth and its increasingly watched down-ballot races, a gap between attention and participation the data documents plainly.
47New Mexico47th nationally55.5
New Mexico posted 55.5 percent, a notable case because its election administration ranks near the top of MIT's Elections Performance Index; administration quality and participation are different measurements (Factually/UF Election Lab compilation, 2025; MIT Election Lab, 2026).
The receipts: New Mexico posted 55.5 percent, 47th in participation, while ranking near the top of MIT's Elections Performance Index for administration quality (Factually/UF Election Lab compilation, 2025; MIT Election Lab, 2026). It is the sharpest single-state proof that administration quality and turnout are different measurements: a state can run elections superbly and still see modest participation.
48Arkansas48th nationally55.0
Arkansas turned out 55.0 percent, third from the bottom, extending a streak of bottom-five finishes across the last several federal cycles (Factually/UF Election Lab compilation, 2025).
The receipts: Arkansas turned out 55.0 percent, third from the bottom, extending a streak of bottom-five finishes across the last several federal cycles (Factually/UF Election Lab compilation, 2025). Its multi-cycle persistence at the bottom, like Oklahoma's, marks a structural rather than episodic pattern.
49West Virginia49th nationally52.2
West Virginia posted 52.2 percent, second lowest, down sharply from its own 2020 rate as its eligible population ages and shrinks (Factually/UF Election Lab compilation, 2025).
The receipts: West Virginia posted 52.2 percent, second lowest, down sharply from its own 2020 rate as its eligible population ages and shrinks (Factually/UF Election Lab compilation, 2025). Its decline is partly demographic, a shrinking and aging eligible population, which distinguishes its low finish from the policy-driven cases lower in the table.
50Hawaii50th nationally, the only state below 50 percent47.5
Hawaii turned out 47.5 percent of eligible voters, last in the nation and 4.7 points behind 49th-place West Virginia, despite universal mail balloting adopted in 2020 (Factually/UF Election Lab compilation, 2025). Distance from mainland political competition is the standing explanation; the number is the fact.
The receipts: Hawaii turned out 47.5 percent, last in the nation and 4.7 points behind 49th-place West Virginia, despite universal mail balloting adopted in 2020 (Factually/UF Election Lab compilation, 2025). It is the standing counterexample to any single-policy theory of turnout: it mails every voter a ballot and still finishes last, with distance from mainland political competition the most-cited explanation and the number itself the undisputed fact.
Click any entry to open its full scorecard, sub-scores, and the receipts.
Top 10 states, 2024 turnout of voting-eligible population
The measurement, and why it is the right one
Turnout claims are only as honest as their denominator. This ranking uses voting-eligible population, the standard maintained by Professor Michael McDonald at the University of Florida Election Lab. VEP starts with the voting-age population and removes non-citizens and, where state law disenfranchises them, people with felony convictions (UF Election Lab; McDonald, 2024). Registered-voter turnout is a different and softer statistic: a state that purges its rolls aggressively can post a flattering registered-turnout number while ranking low on VEP.
By the VEP standard, 2024 was the second-highest-turnout presidential election of the modern era: about 63.7 percent nationally, trailing only 2020's 66.4 percent (Pew Research Center, 2025; UF Election Lab, 2024). Roughly 89 million eligible Americans still did not vote (U.S. News, 2024).
The top of the table barely changed. The winner did.
Minnesota led the nation in nearly every preliminary count, as it usually does. Then the certified data arrived. Final figures reported in April 2025 showed Wisconsin squeaking past Minnesota for the top spot, roughly 76.6 to 76.4 percent (MPR News, 2025). The margin between first and second place was smaller than the margin of estimation in most states' denominators. Treat them as co-champions if you like; the certified order is Wisconsin first.
The rest of the top five held familiar names: Michigan at 74.7, New Hampshire at 74.4, Colorado at 73.1 (Ballotpedia, 2025). Minnesota's lead over the national average, more than 12 points, exceeded the gap between the national average and every bottom-five state except Hawaii (Axios, 2025).
Competition moves turnout. So does habit.
Six of the top nine states, Wisconsin, Minnesota (competitive by its own history), Michigan, New Hampshire, Pennsylvania, and Georgia at fourteenth, were 2024 presidential battlegrounds where both campaigns spent heavily. That is not a coincidence, and the States United Democracy Center documented that turnout remained high specifically in key states (States United, 2025).
But competition is not the whole story. Colorado, Maine, Montana, Oregon, Washington, and Vermont all cleared the national average by 4 points or more without a single top-tier statewide contest among them. What they share is policy plumbing: universal or near-universal mail balloting in Colorado, Oregon, Washington, and Vermont, and same-day registration in Maine, Minnesota, Wisconsin, New Hampshire, and Michigan (state election statutes; UF Election Lab compilations). Habit, built by convenience, survives boring ballots.
The bottom ten, stated without euphemism
Hawaii finished last at 47.5 percent, the only state below half, and did so despite mailing every voter a ballot, which complicates any single-policy explanation (Factually/UF compilation, 2025). West Virginia at 52.2, Arkansas at 55.0, New Mexico at 55.5, and Texas at 56.0 fill out the bottom five. Oklahoma, Mississippi, Tennessee, Indiana, and Alabama complete the bottom ten, all between 57.4 and 59.4 percent.
The bottom ten includes states governed by both parties over the relevant period and states with both restrictive and permissive voting rules. New Mexico ranks near the top of MIT's Elections Performance Index for administration quality while sitting 47th in participation (MIT Election Lab, 2026). The data supports a narrow claim, not a partisan one: non-competitive electoral environments and low-turnout histories travel together, whatever the rulebook says. If a simpler story was expected, the discomfort belongs to the reader, not the data.
What the subscores reveal that the raw number hides
The ranking key is a single number, VEP turnout, but that number is a sum of forces, and the subscores separate them. Three universal-mail states, Colorado at 73.1, Oregon at 68.9, and Vermont at 67.9, cleared the national average by more than 4 points each while earning the lowest possible competitiveness subscore, because none was a 2024 presidential battleground (Ballotpedia, 2025; UF Election Lab compilation, 2025). Their turnout was not bought by a close race. It was built by a mail-ballot system that puts a ballot in every registered voter's hands whether or not the outcome is in doubt.
Iowa is the sharpest illustration in the other direction. It posted 67.0 percent, more than 3 points above the national rate, in a presidential race Trump won by roughly 13 points, earning the floor competitiveness subscore against elite turnout (UF Election Lab compilation, 2025; official returns, 2024). A state can turn out heavily in a landslide. The competition-drives-turnout story is real, and Pennsylvania and Georgia, both maximum-competitiveness battlegrounds above the national rate, support it, but Iowa, Colorado, and Oregon prove it is not the only engine. Habit and infrastructure carry turnout through boring ballots.
The convenience-policy subscore does the parallel work at the top. Nine of the top fifteen states carry a convenience subscore of 8 or higher, reflecting same-day or automatic registration, universal or near-universal mail balloting, or both (state election statutes; UF Election Lab compilations). Same-day registration states, Wisconsin, Minnesota, New Hampshire, Maine, and Michigan, cluster in the top six. Universal-mail states, Colorado, Oregon, Washington, and Vermont, fill much of the rest. The policy plumbing is visible in the ranking because the subscore makes it visible, and it is the single strongest observable correlate of a top-fifteen finish.
Why the denominator is the whole argument
Every turnout claim is a fraction, and the fights over turnout are almost always fights over the denominator. This ranking uses voting-eligible population because it is the honest one, and the honesty has consequences for the order. A state that aggressively purges its voter rolls can post a flattering registered-voter turnout number, because it divides its voters by a smaller registration base. VEP ignores registration entirely and divides by the population actually eligible to vote, which is why a state cannot climb this ranking by keeping its rolls thin (UF Election Lab; McDonald, 2024).
Voting-age population, the other common denominator, has the opposite flaw. It counts everyone of voting age, including non-citizens and, in most states, people disenfranchised for felony convictions, which unfairly punishes states with large non-citizen populations for arithmetic reasons rather than civic ones (McDonald, 2024). Texas and California would both look worse on voting-age-population turnout than on VEP, not because their citizens participate less but because their denominators include more ineligible residents. VEP strips those residents out and compares apples to apples across all fifty states.
The precision matters at the very top, where Wisconsin and Minnesota finished within three tenths of a point of each other. The UF Election Lab's certified figures put Wisconsin at 76.64 percent and Minnesota at 76.35, a gap smaller than the estimation uncertainty in most states' denominators (UF Election Lab, 2026). Treat them as co-champions if the margin feels too thin to separate them; the certified order is Wisconsin first, and this report reports the certified order while stating plainly how narrow it is. Honesty about the denominator and honesty about the margin are the same discipline applied twice.
Bottom 10 states, 2024 turnout of voting-eligible population
How turnout has moved, cycle to cycle
The 2024 result reads differently against its recent history. National VEP turnout was about 63.7 percent in 2024, down from the modern record of 66.4 percent in 2020 but still the second-highest of any presidential election since 1900 (Pew Research Center, 2025; UF Election Lab, 2024). The 2020 surge, driven by pandemic-era mail expansion and an intensely contested race, set a bar 2024 did not quite reach, yet 2024 stayed far above the 55-to-60 percent band that characterized most presidential elections of the late twentieth century. The long-run trend is upward, and 2024 confirmed it rather than reversing it.
The top of the table has been remarkably stable. Minnesota and Wisconsin have traded the number-one spot for a quarter century, finishing first or second in every presidential cycle this century (UF Election Lab data). What moved in 2024 was the winner, not the leaders: Minnesota led nearly every preliminary count, as it usually does, before certified data reported in April 2025 nudged Wisconsin ahead by three tenths of a point (MPR News, 2025). Michigan's rise into the top three tracks a concrete policy change, its 2022 constitutional amendment adopting nine days of early in-person voting, which took effect for the first presidential election in 2024 (Ballotpedia, 2025).
The bottom of the table has been stable too, and that stability is its own finding. Hawaii, West Virginia, Arkansas, Oklahoma, Tennessee, and Mississippi have cycled through the bottom ten across multiple presidential elections regardless of which party governed them (UF Election Lab compilation, 2025). West Virginia's decline is partly demographic, an aging and shrinking eligible population, which distinguishes its trajectory from the policy-driven cases. The persistence at both ends of the table, elite states staying elite and low states staying low across changes in party control and voting law, is the strongest evidence that turnout is driven by durable state political cultures and infrastructure more than by any single cycle's contest or any single reform.
What the evidence settles
The evidence settles the 2024 turnout table: national VEP turnout was about 63.7 percent, second only to 2020 in the modern era; Wisconsin and Minnesota finished effectively tied at the top around 76.5 percent, with certified data putting Wisconsin narrowly first; and Hawaii finished last at 47.5 percent, the only state under 50. It is also settled that the top of the table is dominated by states with same-day registration or universal mail voting, and that presidential battlegrounds outperformed the national average.
What remains contested
What remains contested is causation. Whether convenience policies raise turnout or high-participation states simply adopt convenience policies is a live research question, and Hawaii's last-place finish under universal mail voting is the standing counterexample to any single-variable story. Estimates themselves carry uncertainty: VEP denominators rely on modeled non-citizen and felon populations, and compilations differ by tenths of a point, enough to flip the Wisconsin-Minnesota order depending on the snapshot date.
Questions people ask
Which state had the highest voter turnout in 2024?
Wisconsin, by a hair. Final certified data reported in April 2025 put Wisconsin at roughly 76.6 percent of eligible voters, narrowly past Minnesota's 76.4 percent, which had led the preliminary counts. The two states finished within a fraction of a point of each other.
Which state had the lowest voter turnout in 2024?
Hawaii, at 47.5 percent of the voting-eligible population, the only state below 50 percent and 4.7 points behind second-lowest West Virginia (52.2 percent), despite Hawaii's universal mail-ballot system.
What was national turnout in 2024, and how does it compare historically?
About 63.7 percent of the voting-eligible population, per University of Florida Election Lab data. That is down from the modern record of 66.4 percent in 2020 but higher than every other presidential election since 1900 except 2020.
What is voting-eligible population (VEP) turnout?
Ballots counted divided by the population actually eligible to vote: voting-age residents minus non-citizens and, in most states, people disenfranchised for felony convictions. The measure was developed by Professor Michael McDonald of the University of Florida and is the standard for comparing states fairly.
Sources
- University of Florida Election Lab, 2024 General Election Turnout (Michael McDonald) https://election.lab.ufl.edu/2024-general-election-turnout/
- United States Elections Project, Voter Turnout Data https://www.electproject.org/election-data/voter-turnout-data
- Michael McDonald, 2024 Turnout Rate (Substack analysis) https://michaelmcdonald.substack.com/p/2024-turnout-rate
- Ballotpedia, Election results, 2024: Analysis of voter turnout in the 2024 general election https://ballotpedia.org/Election_results,_2024:_Analysis_of_voter_turnout_in_the_2024_general_election
- MPR News, Wisconsin squeaks past Minnesota for the top spot in voter turnout, April 2025 https://www.mprnews.org/story/2025/04/16/wisconsin-beats-minnesota-in-voter-turnout
- Pew Research Center, Voter turnout in the 2020 and 2024 elections: A detailed analysis, June 2025 https://www.pewresearch.org/politics/2025/06/26/voter-turnout-2020-2024/
- Axios, The states with the highest and lowest voter turnouts in 2024, May 2025 https://www.axios.com/2025/05/01/trump-election-voter-turnout-states-dc
- States United Democracy Center, Voter Turnout in 2024 Remained High in Key States https://statesunited.org/resources/2024-turnout/
- Minnesota Secretary of State, Minnesota Ranks 1st in the Nation in Youth Voter Turnout, 2nd Overall https://www.sos.mn.gov/about-the-office/news-room/minnesota-ranks-1st-in-the-nation-in-youth-voter-turnout-2nd-overall/
- U.S. News and World Report, How Many People Didn't Vote in the 2024 Election? https://www.usnews.com/news/national-news/articles/2024-11-15/how-many-people-didnt-vote-in-the-2024-election
- Washington Post, Voter turnout in 2024: Map shows how states compare https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2024/11/06/voter-turnout-2024-by-state/
Parker, T. E. (2026). States Ranked by 2024 Voter Turnout. US Political Rank. https://uspoliticalrank.com/rankings/states-by-voter-turnout<iframe src="https://uspoliticalrank.com/embed/states-by-voter-turnout" width="100%" height="520" style="border:1px solid #ddd;border-radius:8px" title="States Ranked by 2024 Voter Turnout" loading="lazy"></iframe>Keep reading
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