Ranking Every U.S. President by What They Actually Did for Black Americans

Grant signed the Civil Rights Act of 1875, the most ambitious civil rights legislation between Reconstruction and 1964. He appointed Amos T. Akerman as Attorney General — a former Confederate who became the most aggressive federal prosecutor of the Klan in American history. He freed his only slave, William Jones, in 1859 when desperately poor rather than sell him. The record is clear.

His Enforcement Acts produced over 1,000 convictions of Klan members. The 15th Amendment was ratified during his presidency, and he used federal troops to protect Black voters across the South.

Lincoln ended slavery. That single achievement is civilization-altering. But the ranking measures total impact across all categories. Lincoln provided no economic foundation for four million newly freed people. There was no land redistribution, no education infrastructure, and he only contemplated limited Black suffrage at the very end of his life.

The Emancipation Proclamation was a military strategy — it only freed enslaved people in states that had seceded. His colonization efforts represent an inexcusable chapter that most histories omit. He never owned slaves, which gives him full credit in Personal Slaveholding — the only Era 1 category where moral character is directly measured.

Adams never owned slaves and held deep anti-slavery convictions, but as president he was largely ineffective on the issue. His extraordinary post-presidential career as an anti-slavery voice in Congress and his Amistad advocacy cannot be credited to his presidential record. Strong moral character, weak executive action.

Adams personally opposed slavery and never owned slaves, making him unique among the Founders. But he took no meaningful executive action to limit slavery or improve conditions for free Black Americans. The Alien and Sedition Acts targeted political opponents, not racial groups. Personal virtue without policy action.

Taylor is the great what-if of Era 1. A slaveholder who opposed slavery’s expansion, he would likely have vetoed the Compromise of 1850 including its Fugitive Slave Act. His death in office changed the course of American racial history.

The Missouri Compromise was both Monroe’s greatest contribution and his greatest failure — it limited slavery geographically while entrenching it constitutionally.

“All men are created equal” while owning 600 people is the defining American hypocrisy. The 1807 slave trade ban was significant — but was already mandated by the Constitution.

His Notes on Virginia provided intellectual scaffolding for racial pseudoscience. The Jefferson contradiction is not complexity; it is complicity with receipts.

Harrison’s 31-day presidency is too brief for meaningful evaluation. His pre-presidential record was pro-slavery.

Washington set the template for presidential slaveholding as acceptable. The Fugitive Slave Act of 1793 endangered free Black Americans for decades. He freed his slaves only in his will — after his death, when it cost him nothing. Let that settle.

The mythology of Washington as a benevolent slaveholder does not survive scrutiny of the historical record.

Van Buren was actively on the wrong side of the Amistad case — his administration argued to return kidnapped Africans to slavery. John Quincy Adams, arguing against him, won.

The Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 may be the single most destructive piece of legislation for Black Americans prior to the Civil War. Fillmore signed it willingly.

Buchanan endorsed the most destructive Supreme Court ruling in American racial history and worked to ensure it was enforced.

Pierce actively expanded slavery’s reach and prosecuted those who resisted it.

Madison designed the constitutional architecture that protected slavery for 76 years.

Johnson was given the opportunity to build on Lincoln’s foundation and instead demolished it. He vetoed every civil rights measure Congress sent him, pardoned the people who had fought to preserve slavery, and created the conditions for a century of Jim Crow.

The most destructive presidential transition in American racial history.

Jackson represents the absolute nadir of presidential racial conduct in Era 1. He owned people, brutalized them, expelled entire nations from their land, and used federal power to suppress the movement to end slavery.

Tyler is the only American president who joined an enemy government at war with the United States.

Polk’s entire foreign policy agenda was built on expanding slave territory. He is one of only two presidents to score a perfect zero — the other being Woodrow Wilson.

Legislative Record

LBJ signed the three most important civil rights laws in American history: the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the Voting Rights Act of 1965, and the Fair Housing Act of 1968. No other president in any era has matched that legislative record on racial justice.

The Civil Rights Act dismantled the legal infrastructure of segregation in public accommodations, employment, and federally funded programs. The Voting Rights Act restored the franchise to millions of Black Americans across the South who had been systematically disenfranchised since the collapse of Reconstruction. The Fair Housing Act attacked the housing discrimination that had confined Black families to segregated neighborhoods for generations.

Great Society Impact

He appointed Thurgood Marshall to the Supreme Court — the first Black justice in American history. He also appointed Robert Weaver as Secretary of Housing and Urban Development, the first Black cabinet secretary.

The Great Society, Head Start, and War on Poverty produced measurable gains in Black education, employment, and poverty reduction. Between 1964 and 1968, Black poverty rates fell from 55% to 35% and Black high school graduation rates surged. Federal funding flowed to Black communities at a scale never before attempted by the federal government.

Vietnam’s Cost

But Vietnam consumed everything. The war diverted more than $25 billion from domestic programs that were producing documented improvements. Black soldiers bore a grotesquely disproportionate share of the combat burden — over 20% of combat deaths in the war’s early years while representing 11% of the population.

The political coalition that had made the Great Society possible fractured under the weight of the war. Johnson knew the cost. He said it himself: “I knew from the start that if I left the woman I really loved — the Great Society — in order to get involved with that bitch of a war on the other side of the world, then I would lose everything at home.”

He was right. His legislative record is unmatched by any president in any era. The war ensured that much of it would be abandoned before it could become permanent.

Truman’s moral evolution on race is one of the most remarkable stories in presidential history. Raised in a segregated Missouri household where casual racism was the air he breathed, he became the president who desegregated the most powerful military on earth.

Executive Order 9981, signed July 26, 1948, four months before a presidential election Truman was expected to lose, did not merely integrate the barracks. It declared that “there shall be equality of treatment and opportunity for all persons in the armed services without regard to race.” The order was issued against the active opposition of the military establishment and the Southern wing of his own party.

When Strom Thurmond split the Democratic Party over civil rights in 1948, forming the States’ Rights Democratic Party explicitly to oppose Truman’s desegregation agenda, Truman refused to retreat. He paid for it. He carried four fewer Southern states than any Democrat in decades. He won the election anyway — the last president who can honestly claim he bet his presidency on doing right by Black Americans and won.

His President’s Committee on Civil Rights produced “To Secure These Rights” — the report that became the blueprint for all subsequent civil rights legislation. He proposed comprehensive civil rights legislation. It included a federal anti-lynching law, abolition of the poll tax, a permanent Fair Employment Practice Committee, and a civil rights division within the Department of Justice.

His own party blocked every proposal. But the formal submission of these measures represented a political expenditure that no president since Grant had been willing to make. Truman drew the map. Eisenhower, Kennedy, and Johnson followed it.

Eisenhower sent paratroopers to protect Black children. On September 24, 1957, he deployed 1,200 soldiers of the 101st Airborne Division to Little Rock, Arkansas, to escort nine Black students into Central High School. Governor Orval Faubus had mobilized the Arkansas National Guard to block their entry.

It was the first time since Reconstruction that a president had used military force to protect the civil rights of Black Americans.

The image of armed paratroopers flanking Black teenagers walking into a public school remains among the most powerful demonstrations of federal authority deployed on behalf of racial justice in American history.

He signed the Civil Rights Act of 1957 — the first federal civil rights legislation since 1875. He created the Civil Rights Commission and the Civil Rights Division within the Department of Justice. He completed the military desegregation that Truman had started and desegregated Washington, D.C.

These were not symbolic gestures. They were institutional changes that created the enforcement machinery Kennedy and Johnson would later use.

But Eisenhower’s refusal to use the moral authority of the presidency on race matters limited his impact catastrophically. He never publicly endorsed Brown v. Board of Education. He told Chief Justice Earl Warren, in a documented conversation, that he understood why Southerners did not want their “sweet little girls” sitting next to Black children in school.

School desegregation beyond Little Rock proceeded at a pace so glacial that by 1964 — a full decade after Brown — only 2.3% of Black students in the South attended integrated schools. He acted when forced. He rarely acted voluntarily. The difference between those two postures cost Black children a decade of integrated education.

Kennedy federalized the National Guard to integrate Ole Miss when James Meredith enrolled as the first Black student at the University of Mississippi in 1962. He appointed Thurgood Marshall to the federal bench, positioning Marshall for the Supreme Court appointment Johnson would later make.

He proposed the Civil Rights Act in June 1963, delivering a nationally televised address that framed civil rights as a moral imperative rather than a political calculation. He was the first president to do so since Reconstruction.

But Kennedy was assassinated before he could deliver on that promise, and his record before the June 1963 speech was one of cautious political maneuvering rather than moral conviction. He delayed executive action on housing discrimination for two years after promising to end it “with the stroke of a pen.”

He authorized FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover’s surveillance of Martin Luther King Jr. That decision provided the federal government’s intelligence apparatus with tools it would use to harass, blackmail, and attempt to destroy the most important Black leader in American history.

Kennedy’s record is one of potential cut short — and the framework can only score what was documented, not what might have been.

Garfield spoke forcefully about protecting Black voting rights and made record Black federal appointments in his brief 200-day tenure. His proposed federal education funding would have specifically targeted the Black South, where illiteracy rates among formerly enslaved Americans and their children remained catastrophically high.

Assassinated before he could deliver, Garfield is scored on what he documented — appointments made and proposals submitted — not on what might have been.

Harrison made the most serious attempt to protect Black voting rights between Reconstruction and the Voting Rights Act. The Lodge Bill would have provided federal oversight of elections in the South. It would have directly confronted the poll taxes, literacy tests, and violence that were systematically disenfranchising Black voters.

That he failed due to his own party’s divisions — prioritizing tariff legislation over Black suffrage — is both his tragedy and his indictment. The failure of the Lodge Bill marked the effective end of federal protection for Black voting rights for 75 years.

Harding’s Birmingham speech was genuinely brave — calling for racial equality in the deep South in 1921. The Klan was reconstituting itself as a mass movement. Lynching remained a public spectacle across the region. But he lacked the political skill or will to translate rhetoric into legislation.

The Dyer Anti-Lynching Bill passed the House and died in the Senate. Harding let it die. Brave words followed by political cowardice is a recurring pattern in this ranking.

Roosevelt’s record is a study in contradiction: dinner with Booker T. Washington followed by the mass punishment of innocent Black soldiers. The White House dinner was a symbolic act with real political consequences — Roosevelt was savaged by the Southern press and never repeated the invitation.

The Brownsville Affair was an act of collective racial punishment. Roosevelt dismissed 167 decorated Black soldiers without evidence, without trial, and without recourse. The discharges were not reversed until 1972 — sixty-six years later. He recognized Black dignity in private and sacrificed Black soldiers in public when political convenience demanded it.

Arthur showed surprising independence but accomplished little of substance for Black Americans. The Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 established that racial identity could serve as the basis for legal exclusion from the United States. That principle would be cited and expanded in subsequent decades to justify the segregation and disenfranchisement of non-white Americans.

His maintenance of existing Black appointments is scored, but the absence of proactive policy action keeps his score modest.

Roosevelt is consistently ranked among the greatest presidents in American history. His racial record tells a different story. The documented record shows a president whose most important social programs excluded the majority of Black Americans from their core benefits.

The New Deal’s Racial Exclusions

The Social Security Act of 1935 excluded agricultural workers and domestic workers from coverage. These were not random occupational categories. They were the two categories that comprised 65% of the Black workforce. The exclusion was a documented political concession to Southern Democrats whose votes Roosevelt needed to pass the legislation.

Historians Ira Katznelson and Robert Lieberman have documented the deliberate racial design of this exclusion in primary source records from the committee hearings.

Institutionalized Redlining

The Federal Housing Administration and the Home Owners’ Loan Corporation institutionalized redlining. FHA underwriting manuals explicitly instructed appraisers to code Black neighborhoods as “hazardous” (marked in red on HOLC maps). They denied federally backed mortgages to properties in or adjacent to Black communities. This was not a failure of implementation. It was the design.

Richard Rothstein’s “The Color of Law” documents the FHA’s explicit racial policies in the agency’s own internal materials. The homeownership gap between Black and white Americans — which persists to this day — was manufactured by Roosevelt’s housing agencies.

The Paradox

Roosevelt refused to support the Costigan-Wagner anti-lynching bill because he needed Southern Democratic votes for New Deal legislation. He told Walter White of the NAACP: “If I come out for the anti-lynching bill now, they will block every bill I ask Congress to pass to keep America from collapsing. I just can’t take that risk.” The risk he could take was the continued murder of Black Americans without federal consequence.

Executive Order 8802 was significant — but it was extracted under duress, signed only when A. Philip Randolph threatened to march 100,000 Black Americans to Washington. His “Black Cabinet” was an informal advisory group with no policy authority, no budget, and no enforcement power. The Housing score of 0 is the lowest possible — because no president did more to institutionalize housing discrimination than Roosevelt.

McKinley met with Black leaders and heard their pleas. He did nothing. Nearly 200 Black Americans were lynched during his presidency while he maintained a silence that was itself a form of complicity. The Buffalo Soldiers fought and died for a country whose president would not lift a finger to protect their families at home.

“Silent Cal” was silent on race. His passivity during a period of intense racial violence constitutes a form of complicity. The Roaring Twenties produced wealth concentration in white communities. The Great Migration was relocating millions of Black Americans to Northern cities where they faced housing discrimination, employment barriers, and racial violence. Coolidge took no action on any of these fronts.

The Immigration Act of 1924 codified racial hierarchy into federal law, reinforcing the principle that the United States was designed as a white nation.

Hayes traded Black freedom for the presidency. The Compromise of 1877 is the original sin of the Jim Crow era.

The 1876 presidential election ended in a disputed result. Hayes agreed to withdraw federal troops from the South — the last protection Black Americans had against organized white supremacist violence — in exchange for the presidency. The bargain was explicit. The consequences were immediate and catastrophic.

Within months of the troop withdrawal, Southern states began constructing the legal architecture of Jim Crow. Poll taxes, literacy tests, grandfather clauses, convict leasing, segregation ordinances, and the systematic nullification of the 14th and 15th Amendments followed.

The violence was staggering — thousands of Black Americans were murdered, driven from their land, and stripped of the political rights they had exercised during Reconstruction. Every lynching, every segregation law, every voter suppression campaign for the next 87 years traces back to this betrayal.

That Hayes appointed Frederick Douglass as U.S. Marshal is scored. But appointing one prominent Black man to a federal post while abandoning four million Black Americans to a century of state-sponsored terror is not a net positive. No honest framework can call it one.

The Zero score of 1 is among the worst in the entire ranking. The Compromise of 1877 produced more sustained harm to more Black Americans over a longer period than any single presidential decision in American history.

Hoover’s “Southern strategy” before there was a Southern Strategy: he abandoned Black voters to court white Southerners.

His Depression-era relief programs were administered through state and local governments that systematically excluded Black Americans. Black unemployment during the Depression reached 50% in some cities while federal relief was distributed along racial lines that Hoover did nothing to correct.

Taft represents deliberate regression. He did not merely fail to advance racial justice — he actively retreated from the limited progress of his predecessor. He reduced Black federal appointments, courted the white South, and treated Black political participation as an obstacle to be managed rather than a right to be protected.

His presidency was a net negative for Black Americans by any honest measure.

Cleveland served during the worst period of racial violence in American history and said nothing. Between 1885 and 1897, lynching reached its peak in the United States. Cleveland returned Confederate battle flags to Southern states as a gesture of reconciliation — reconciliation built on the premise that Black freedom was negotiable.

He opposed all civil rights legislation. His silence was itself an act of violence.

Wilson took a federal workforce that had been integrated since Reconstruction and re-segregated it. It had been one of the few institutions in American life where Black Americans could hold professional positions, earn equitable wages, and exercise professional authority.

Black employees were reassigned to separate offices, demoted from supervisory positions, forced to use separate dining and bathroom facilities, and in many cases fired outright. The re-segregation was implemented at the cabinet level under Wilson’s explicit direction. It was not an oversight or a bureaucratic drift. It was policy.

On February 18, 1915, Wilson screened D.W. Griffith’s “The Birth of a Nation” at the White House. The film depicted Black Americans as subhuman and the Ku Klux Klan as noble saviors of white civilization. Whether Wilson actually said “it’s like writing history with lightning” is disputed. What is not disputed is that a presidential screening provided the most powerful institutional endorsement imaginable for the film’s message.

The Klan had been functionally destroyed during the Grant administration. It had not existed as an organized movement for four decades. It reconstituted itself as a mass organization within two years of the White House screening. By the early 1920s, the Second Klan claimed between three and six million members.

Wilson refused to support anti-lynching legislation. More than 380 Black Americans were lynched during his presidency. He purged Black employees from the federal government. He imposed segregation on the one institution that had offered Black Americans professional dignity.

No positive action for Black Americans has been identified during his presidency. Not one. He shares a score of zero with James K. Polk — the only two presidents in this ranking to receive it.

The First Step Act

For twenty-four years, a single piece of legislation shaped the daily reality of Black Americans in the criminal justice system more than any other: the 1994 Crime Bill. It established mandatory minimums that fell hardest on Black defendants. It maintained the 100-to-1 crack-to-powder cocaine sentencing ratio. A Black man caught with five grams of crack cocaine received the same federal sentence as someone caught with five hundred grams of powder cocaine. The disparity was racial in effect, even if not in stated intent. Three presidents came and went. None reversed it.

In December 2018, Trump signed the First Step Act. The legislation did not merely reform sentencing going forward. It was retroactive. People already sitting in federal prison cells saw their sentences reduced. The U.S. Sentencing Commission confirmed that 91% of those who received early release were Black Americans. Over 3,000 inmates walked out of federal prison in the first year.

Alice Marie Johnson was sixty-three years old. She was a Black grandmother who had served twenty-one years of a life sentence for a first-time, nonviolent drug offense. Kim Kardashian brought her case to the White House. Trump granted her clemency. Then he signed the law that freed thousands more like her. Their sentences had been imposed under the same framework that the 1994 Crime Bill had built. No subsequent president had dismantled it.

That matters. It does not erase everything else. But it matters.

Economic Record

Bureau of Labor Statistics data show that Black unemployment fell to 5.4% in 2019 — the lowest rate ever recorded at the time. The U.S. Census Bureau reported Black poverty at a record low of 18.8% in the same year. Black median household income reached $45,438, the highest figure in American history.

These numbers require context. The downward trend in Black unemployment began during the Obama administration, and the economic expansion Trump inherited was already well underway when he took office. The question is whether his policies accelerated the trend or merely rode it. Economists disagree. The Opportunity Zone program and tax policy contributed to job creation in some distressed communities; the pre-existing trajectory contributed to others. What is not in dispute is the outcome: the numbers were the best ever recorded for Black Americans during his tenure.

Investment and Institutions

Opportunity Zones, established through the 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act, directed more than $75 billion in private investment to over 8,700 designated communities. A majority of those communities were majority-minority census tracts. The program drew criticism. Some zones benefited real estate developers more than existing residents. The Urban Institute found that not all states maximized their selections for communities with the greatest need. The capital flowed. Whether it reached the right people in every case is a legitimate question the data has not fully resolved.

The FUTURE Act made permanent the federal funding for Historically Black Colleges and Universities, ending decades of year-to-year uncertainty that had forced these institutions into perpetual budget crises. Annual federal investment reached $255 million. For HBCUs that had spent generations wondering whether their federal support would be renewed, permanence was not symbolic. It was structural.

The Platinum Plan proposed a $500 billion investment in Black communities, including expanded capital access, creation of 500,000 new Black-owned businesses, and designation of the KKK as a terrorist organization. It was a formal policy proposal with specific mechanisms. It was not enacted. The same standard applied to every president’s unfulfilled proposals applies here — proposed policy receives partial weight.

Public Health and Enforcement

Operation Warp Speed produced COVID-19 vaccines in under a year. CDC data documented that Black Americans were dying from COVID at 1.9 times the white rate. The vaccine’s speed was, in measurable terms, a racial equity outcome — every week of delay meant disproportionate Black death.

At the same time, the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau saw enforcement actions drop 75% between 2017 and 2019. The CFPB was the primary federal protection against predatory lending targeting Black borrowers. Weakening that enforcement left Black families more exposed to the same kinds of financial exploitation that had devastated Black wealth during the subprime crisis a decade earlier. Consent decrees with police departments were curtailed. Pattern-and-practice investigations slowed. Federal judicial and executive appointments lacked the diversity of prior administrations.

These are not footnotes. They are part of the same presidency that produced the First Step Act and record employment numbers. The tension is real, and it does not resolve neatly.

What the combined data show is a presidency that produced the strongest measurable economic outcomes and the most significant criminal justice reform for Black Americans in the modern era. Genuine enforcement rollbacks left other protections weaker. The Bureau of Labor Statistics, the Census Bureau, and the U.S. Sentencing Commission documented the gains. The CFPB’s own records documented the losses. Both sets of numbers belong in the same sentence.

Carter’s 39 Black federal judges is a staggering number — more than every president from Washington through Ford combined. He also appointed Patricia Roberts Harris to HUD and later HHS, making her the first Black woman in the cabinet. His civil rights enforcement through a strengthened EEOC was aggressive. But stagflation crushed Black workers, and he had no effective economic response. Genuine commitment undermined by economic circumstances beyond his control.

Healthcare Achievement

The Affordable Care Act reduced the Black uninsured rate from 20.9% to 11.7% — the largest single expansion of healthcare access for Black Americans in history. Millions of Black families gained coverage for the first time. Preventive care, chronic disease management, and emergency room alternatives became available to communities that had relied on emergency departments as primary care for generations. The ACA was not a symbolic gesture. It was a structural change in how Black Americans accessed the healthcare system.

His federal appointments were historic in both number and seniority. His DOJ investigated police departments for pattern-and-practice violations and pursued consent decrees that produced measurable reductions in use-of-force incidents. My Brother’s Keeper created mentorship infrastructure for young Black men. The Fair Sentencing Act reduced the crack-to-powder ratio from 100:1 to 18:1.

The Wealth Collapse

During the Obama presidency, Black median household wealth fell from $16,600 to $3,400 — a 79.5% decline, according to the Federal Reserve’s Survey of Consumer Finances. Black homeownership dropped from 47.4% to 41.2%. These are the largest losses of Black household wealth in the recorded data.

The financial crisis began before Obama took office, and the scale of the collapse was inherited. HAMP — the Home Affordable Modification Program — was his administration’s primary tool to prevent foreclosures. It was funded. It disbursed barely a quarter of its allocated resources while Black families were losing their homes. The crisis was not of his making. The response was.

The Fair Sentencing Act reduced the crack-to-powder disparity, but only prospectively. People already serving sentences under the old ratio continued to serve them. Retroactive application was possible. It was not pursued. Trump later signed the First Step Act, which applied retroactively and freed thousands.

Contextual Judgment

Obama held Democratic congressional majorities in both chambers from 2009 to 2010 — the first such window since Carter. He did not push voting rights legislation during that window. He did not make HBCU funding permanent when he had the votes to do so — Trump later accomplished this through the FUTURE Act.

Each of these represents a concrete action that was achievable with existing political capital and was not pursued. The ACA demonstrates what Obama could accomplish when he committed fully to a policy objective. The gap between that achievement and the outcomes in housing, wealth, and criminal justice reform is what the Contextual Judgment score reflects. It is not a failure of intention. It is a record of opportunities that were within reach and were not taken.

Biden nominated the first Black woman to the Supreme Court and assembled the most diverse cabinet in history. His HBCU investment was record-breaking. But inflation and the fentanyl crisis devastated Black communities. The John Lewis Voting Rights Act was proposed but not passed. Housing affordability collapsed. Good intentions, mixed outcomes.

Nixon’s record produces more cognitive dissonance than any other president’s. The Philadelphia Plan was real affirmative action with enforcement teeth. The school desegregation numbers — 68% to 8% — are staggering and often overlooked.

But the Southern Strategy and the War on Drugs created the political and policy frameworks that produced mass incarceration. He used civil rights as a tactical tool, and the accomplishments were real even if the motives were calculated.

PEPFAR is one of the most consequential humanitarian achievements of any presidency — saving over a million lives. Colin Powell and Condoleezza Rice served as Secretaries of State. No Child Left Behind increased accountability in schools. But Katrina erased it all domestically. The subprime crisis, which disproportionately targeted Black homeowners, devastated during his final year.

Clinton is the most paradoxical president in the modern era. “America’s first Black president” produced the largest increase in Black incarceration in American history. The 1994 Crime Bill’s three-strikes rule, mandatory minimums, and crack sentencing ratio devastated Black communities for a generation.

But CRA enforcement simultaneously produced the highest Black homeownership rate ever recorded. His cabinet was genuinely diverse — Ron Brown, Joycelyn Elders, Hazel O’Leary. The strong 1990s economy reduced Black unemployment. But the Crime Bill is an anchor that no amount of economic data can lift.

Bush signed important legislation in the Civil Rights Act of 1991. But the Willie Horton ad — produced by his campaign allies — established the template for racially coded political fear that persists to this day.

Ford was a placeholder president on racial issues — he didn’t advance civil rights significantly, but he didn’t retreat either. William Coleman as Transportation Secretary was a notable appointment. HMDA provided transparency tools still used today.

Reagan’s 100:1 crack sentencing ratio is the most consequential racial policy failure of the modern era. A policy that sentenced crack users (overwhelmingly Black) to 100 times the penalty of powder cocaine users (overwhelmingly white) for the same drug cannot be defended. It was either deliberately discriminatory or catastrophically negligent.

The Black incarceration rate exploded during and after his presidency. He vetoed the Civil Rights Restoration Act (Congress overrode him). He attempted to weaken the Voting Rights Act. The MLK Holiday was significant, but it cannot offset the generation of Black men lost to mass incarceration.